Egypt's parliament of generals

Only in Egypt does a parliamentary candidate win before the elections even start.

This is what happens in the "Parliament of Generals", designed and curated by the intelligence and security agencies.

The press reports meetings between representatives of security agencies and political parties that enjoy the regime's approval, under the supervision of Abdel Fattah al-Sisi's son, and with the presence of the legal adviser to Sisi's presidential campaign, Mohamed Abu Shaqa.

Other reports suggest a fierce conflict between the parliamentary lists endorsed by the intelligence services and those endorsed by the ministry of interior, especially since one of the interior ministry's favoured candidates was excluded from running in the elections.

It seems that the list supported by the country's spymasters is more popular with the nation's rulers, and has the best chances in the elections.

His shameless brown-nosing exceeds the antics of the speakers of parliament under Hosni Mubarak

As such, the "In the love of Egypt" parliamentary list comes to the fore, which is headed by a retired general who is presented by the media as a strategic expert, when in reality his statements would land him in a mental asylum in any respectable country.

This retired general is also presented as the director of a research institute, and reportedly holds frequent meetings with whomever shows obedience and servitude to Cairo's grand generalissimo, who has ruled the country with an iron fist since taking power in a coup.

The retired general decides the names of candidates on parliamentary lists and individual seats. "The new parliament will approve Sisi's laws before discussing them," he recently said, which means he intends to turn parliamentarians into yes-men who rubber stamp Sisi's edicts.

His shameless brown-nosing exceeds the antics of the speakers of parliament under Hosni Mubarak, who at least feigned discussion and deliberation before passing laws - to preserve what little legitimacy parliament enjoyed.

This list includes figures from Mubarak's old National Democratic Party, such as the son of notable party member Kamal al-Shazli, who unabashedly announced that he intends to regain his father's parliamentary seat - as if it were his birthright.

The list also includes the son of a celebrity - whose father boasted that he neither has a political programme nor needs one - because his only aim is to "serve the people".

This is the same celebrity who in numerous interviews used the most debased language to describe ordinary Egyptians.

Meanwhile, Mubarak-era business owners are using their ill-gotten fortunes and media platforms to compete against the parliamentary candidates sponsored by the generals.

In the middle of this political charade, parties that were once considered part of the revolution have retreated from the political scene,  after realising that they have been reduced to cameo roles since Sisi's coup.

Abdel Fattah al-Sisi no longer needs to falsify election results, after being able to falsify the collective conscience of Egyptians

Meanwhile, longstanding parties such as al-Wafd suffer marginalisation and obscurity, despite the attempts of their leaders to curry favour with the top general.

We also do not hear a peep from the likes of Hamdeen Sabahi, or others once considered part of the 25 January revolution.

Therefore, Abdel Fattah al-Sisi no longer needs to falsify election results, after being able to falsify the collective conscience of Egyptians. The state no longer needs to rig elections as it did under Mubarak, after confiscating the will of Egyptians.

These elections llow us to witness a surreal and darkly comical scene that reflects the level to which Egyptian politics have sunk under the rule of the generals.


Khalil al-Anani is an adjunct professor at Johns Hopkins School of Advanced International Studies (SAIS). Follow him on Twitter: @Khalilalanani

This article is an edited translation from our Arabic edition.

Opinions expressed in this article remain those of the author, and do not necessarily represent those of al-Araby al Jadeed, its editorial board or staff. This is an edited translation from our Arabic edition.