![Hamas holds rally on Gaza war anniversary [Anadolu]](/sites/default/files/media/images/4006F29B-7EAE-4E25-ACFA-0FEA721B1DFE.jpg "Hamas holds rally on Gaza war anniversary [Anadolu]")
Rockets and olive oil: A post-war Hamas
Rockets and olive oil: A post-war Hamas
Analysis: As the Hamas military wing rallies around rockets in Gaza, the movement's political leaders speak of truce-talks with Israel. What is behind the duel rhetoric of post-war Hamas?
6 min read
Hamas' armed wing showed off its arsenal on the anniversary of the war [Anadolu]
A year after the latest war in Gaza, Hamas speaks with two different voices; one of resistance, another of peace.
In a rally held by the al-Qassam Brigades - the military wing of Hamas - in Gaza on Thursday, the movement's spokesperson, Abu Obeida, triumphantly proclaimed the acquisition of two new rocket-types.
"Only time will tell how effective these blessed missiles are," he said.
Songs from Hamas' history played in the background, while balaclavered militants with guns surrounded the rockets on display. An Israeli tank captured by Hamas fighters took pride of place in the array of weaponry.
Supporters on Twitter remembered the actions of Hamas' armed wing; notably the "frogmen" units who managed to infiltrate Israel via the sea.
There was also an impressively engineered tunnel system that allowed fighters to infiltrate and carry out attacks inside Israel, many of which were filmed and posted on the Qassam social media accounts.
Hamas fighters are keen to point to a tactical distinction between their operations in this war, compared with any of the several others in recent years.
Military targets were, this time, the focus of attack - with 66 of the 72 Israelis killed being soldiers - whereas in years previously, militant attacks also aimed at Israeli civilians with suicide bombings and rockets.
"We prefer fighting and killing the soldiers of elite enemy units than attacking civilians in the villages next to Gaza," Mohammad Deif, Qassam Brigades leader, declared in a speech during the war.
In a rally held by the al-Qassam Brigades - the military wing of Hamas - in Gaza on Thursday, the movement's spokesperson, Abu Obeida, triumphantly proclaimed the acquisition of two new rocket-types.
"Only time will tell how effective these blessed missiles are," he said.
Songs from Hamas' history played in the background, while balaclavered militants with guns surrounded the rockets on display. An Israeli tank captured by Hamas fighters took pride of place in the array of weaponry.
Supporters on Twitter remembered the actions of Hamas' armed wing; notably the "frogmen" units who managed to infiltrate Israel via the sea.
 |
We prefer fighting and killing the soldiers of elite enemy units than attacking civilians in the villages next to Gaza - Mohammed Deif, Qassam Brigades |
There was also an impressively engineered tunnel system that allowed fighters to infiltrate and carry out attacks inside Israel, many of which were filmed and posted on the Qassam social media accounts.
Hamas fighters are keen to point to a tactical distinction between their operations in this war, compared with any of the several others in recent years.
Military targets were, this time, the focus of attack - with 66 of the 72 Israelis killed being soldiers - whereas in years previously, militant attacks also aimed at Israeli civilians with suicide bombings and rockets.
"We prefer fighting and killing the soldiers of elite enemy units than attacking civilians in the villages next to Gaza," Mohammad Deif, Qassam Brigades leader, declared in a speech during the war.
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| The Qassam Brigades display an Israeli tank [Anadolu] |
This further encouraged many across the occupied territories, the region and beyond to express support for the armed group.
Many on social media are still remembering the indivisual battles waged during the war, with #Qassam and #al_aasaf_al_maokool (a Quranic term referring to 'scorched earth') trending in Palestine, Lebanon and Jordan.
"In the midst of events affecting our nation, and the darkness that surrounds us, thank God for the blessing of Qassam," one Twitter user posted.
These images of "brave resistance fighters" were a great moral boost during the war - but Gazans are now less sure whether an armed mandate is the way to go.
However, despite the wake of such nostalgic memories, and surrounded by reissued Qassam propaganda, reports are continuing to insist that Hamas are in talks over a long-term truce with Israel.
A truce, Sinai and militants
"There is no new truce, but we are stabilising the ceasefire agreement that was reached a year ago in Cairo, and we request guarantees from the occupation side," a senior Hamas leader, Dr Salah Bawadeel, told al-Quds.
"There is also no new negotiation project, but it all revolves around the maintenance of the ceasefire and lifting the siege on Gaza."
Such contradictory statements make it difficut to reach a truce, said the Arab Center for Research and Policy Studies.
"Israel will not easily allow the resistance to remain in the Gaza Strip, and it is impossible for Hamas to give this up," the centre said in a recent report.
Such communications may even "result in an attempt to contain Hamas by including it in the 'peace process' to primarily solve the daily life problems in Gaza".
"Decades of dealing with Israel shows it be unreliable" when it comes to fulfilling its promises made to Palestinians, concluded the report.
The Qassam Brigades' Abu Obeida also rejected any alleged connection with Wilayat Sinai, an armed group in the Gaza-bordering Sinai region of Egypt which has recently declared its allegiance to the Islamic State group.
While a collaborative attempt to counter IS may be one reason for truce talks with Hamas, the Palestinian Authority, Egypt and Israel have all accused the Hamas militant wing of being in league with the Islamic State group.
Considering the weapon-smuggling trade is predominantly concerned with the flow of arms into Gaza - not out of it - and the use of homemade weapons in the strip, it would be unlikely that Hamas or its military wing would have the capacity to "support" the well-funded group in Egypt, or elsewhere, even if it wanted to.
Additionally, very few Palestinians join IS, probably due to the presence of pre-existing militant groups that attract would-be IS recruits instead.
However, sources from Gaza close to militant groups have previously told al-Araby that the few Palestinians who join either IS or the Salafist factions in Gaza, were frequently disgruntled members of the Qassam brigades, disillusioned due to the cease-fire with Israel.
The olive branch and the gun
This duel rhetoric of peace on one hand, and resistance threats on the other, could also show a growing split between Hamas' armed faction and its political wing; such disagreements are rumoured to cover reconciliation with the Palestinian Authority, truce talks with Israel, and rapproachment with Fatah strongman Mohammad Dahlan.
Some public statements have pointed to such splits. Abu Obeida, for example, spoke out against the truce talks in Cairo following the 2014 war.
There are also reports that the split reflects differing regional alliances; the resistance faction favours the Iranian axis, and the political wing, led by Khaled Meshaal, appears to be enjoying its relationship with Qatar.
This schizophrenic discourse by Hamas is also reflected by ordinary Gazans speaking about the war.
Many Gazans told of respect and admiration for the Strip's armed groups, and their uncompromising stance towards Israel.
"Halfway through the war we were saying 'we don't want it to stop, we want a definitive solution, we don't want the blockade, we want a port and airport, we want freedom' - and that what we said until it ended," said Moatassm Awaja, an IT worker.
"But a month later, we began to remember the sorrow, sadness, pain, and the people now gone from our lives."
This could should further show that post-war Hamas is torn between the help of unholy alliances, perceived to improve stability, conditions and people's daily lives - at least in the short term - or engaging in a risky mandate of armed resistance to the ongoing occupation.
Such alternate displays of reconciliation and resistance could be part of a political strategy to show that Hamas are willing to talk to Israel, but only from a position of strength and victory, not weakness, one analyst told al-Araby.
A famous speech, given to the UN in 1974 by Yasser Arafat, comes to mind:
"I come to you with an olive branch in one hand, and a freedom fighter's gun in the other. Do not let the olive branch fall from my hand."
Just as Arafat justified his own transition from guerilla leader to a political figurehead, such duel rhetorics could simply show how Hamas' two constituent parts work in harmony and are used at the times when the situation demands the application of each unique approach.
Hamas' gesture of peace may not be as overt as Arafat's olive branch. It may be more like a tin of olive oil. And the weapon to which Hamas refers is not Arafat's gun, but Qassam's rockets.
Many on social media are still remembering the indivisual battles waged during the war, with #Qassam and #al_aasaf_al_maokool (a Quranic term referring to 'scorched earth') trending in Palestine, Lebanon and Jordan.
"In the midst of events affecting our nation, and the darkness that surrounds us, thank God for the blessing of Qassam," one Twitter user posted.
These images of "brave resistance fighters" were a great moral boost during the war - but Gazans are now less sure whether an armed mandate is the way to go.
However, despite the wake of such nostalgic memories, and surrounded by reissued Qassam propaganda, reports are continuing to insist that Hamas are in talks over a long-term truce with Israel.
A truce, Sinai and militants
"There is no new truce, but we are stabilising the ceasefire agreement that was reached a year ago in Cairo, and we request guarantees from the occupation side," a senior Hamas leader, Dr Salah Bawadeel, told al-Quds.
"There is also no new negotiation project, but it all revolves around the maintenance of the ceasefire and lifting the siege on Gaza."
Such contradictory statements make it difficut to reach a truce, said the Arab Center for Research and Policy Studies.
"Israel will not easily allow the resistance to remain in the Gaza Strip, and it is impossible for Hamas to give this up," the centre said in a recent report.
Such communications may even "result in an attempt to contain Hamas by including it in the 'peace process' to primarily solve the daily life problems in Gaza".
"Decades of dealing with Israel shows it be unreliable" when it comes to fulfilling its promises made to Palestinians, concluded the report.
| Read more: Meet Gaza's survivors, and hear their stories, one year after the war |
The Qassam Brigades' Abu Obeida also rejected any alleged connection with Wilayat Sinai, an armed group in the Gaza-bordering Sinai region of Egypt which has recently declared its allegiance to the Islamic State group.
While a collaborative attempt to counter IS may be one reason for truce talks with Hamas, the Palestinian Authority, Egypt and Israel have all accused the Hamas militant wing of being in league with the Islamic State group.
Considering the weapon-smuggling trade is predominantly concerned with the flow of arms into Gaza - not out of it - and the use of homemade weapons in the strip, it would be unlikely that Hamas or its military wing would have the capacity to "support" the well-funded group in Egypt, or elsewhere, even if it wanted to.
Additionally, very few Palestinians join IS, probably due to the presence of pre-existing militant groups that attract would-be IS recruits instead.
However, sources from Gaza close to militant groups have previously told al-Araby that the few Palestinians who join either IS or the Salafist factions in Gaza, were frequently disgruntled members of the Qassam brigades, disillusioned due to the cease-fire with Israel.
|
We began to remember the sorrow, sadness, pain, and the people now gone from our lives - Moatassm Awaja |
The olive branch and the gun
This duel rhetoric of peace on one hand, and resistance threats on the other, could also show a growing split between Hamas' armed faction and its political wing; such disagreements are rumoured to cover reconciliation with the Palestinian Authority, truce talks with Israel, and rapproachment with Fatah strongman Mohammad Dahlan.
Some public statements have pointed to such splits. Abu Obeida, for example, spoke out against the truce talks in Cairo following the 2014 war.
There are also reports that the split reflects differing regional alliances; the resistance faction favours the Iranian axis, and the political wing, led by Khaled Meshaal, appears to be enjoying its relationship with Qatar.
This schizophrenic discourse by Hamas is also reflected by ordinary Gazans speaking about the war.
Many Gazans told of respect and admiration for the Strip's armed groups, and their uncompromising stance towards Israel.
"Halfway through the war we were saying 'we don't want it to stop, we want a definitive solution, we don't want the blockade, we want a port and airport, we want freedom' - and that what we said until it ended," said Moatassm Awaja, an IT worker.
"But a month later, we began to remember the sorrow, sadness, pain, and the people now gone from our lives."
This could should further show that post-war Hamas is torn between the help of unholy alliances, perceived to improve stability, conditions and people's daily lives - at least in the short term - or engaging in a risky mandate of armed resistance to the ongoing occupation.
Such alternate displays of reconciliation and resistance could be part of a political strategy to show that Hamas are willing to talk to Israel, but only from a position of strength and victory, not weakness, one analyst told al-Araby.
A famous speech, given to the UN in 1974 by Yasser Arafat, comes to mind:
"I come to you with an olive branch in one hand, and a freedom fighter's gun in the other. Do not let the olive branch fall from my hand."
Just as Arafat justified his own transition from guerilla leader to a political figurehead, such duel rhetorics could simply show how Hamas' two constituent parts work in harmony and are used at the times when the situation demands the application of each unique approach.
Hamas' gesture of peace may not be as overt as Arafat's olive branch. It may be more like a tin of olive oil. And the weapon to which Hamas refers is not Arafat's gun, but Qassam's rockets.
