Sisi must identify the real extremists to save Egypt

Sisi must identify the real extremists to save Egypt
Comment: Egyptian president Abdel Fattah al-Sisi's security policies blame and target the wrong people, and threaten to push more Egyptians to violence.
3 min read
01 Feb, 2015
Tourists to Sharm el-Sheikh have been scared away from the violence in the Sinai [AFP]

Doubts about the Egyptian government's ability to bring security in the country are rising, following a series of bombings of army personnel by militant groups. There are fears that the situation in the Sinai could bring negative consequences for the country's social fabric and economy.

On Saturday, the Egyptian president Abdel Fattah al-Sisi formed a unified anti-terrorist command for Sinai under the leadership of Rushdi Askar, who was promoted to the rank of lieutenant general.

Anti-terrorism measures

Sisi announced the formation of the anti-terrorist group during a televised speech to the nation following a meeting of the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces.

The president seemed certain of victory. "We will not leave Sinai to anyone," he said, but did prepare Egyptians for a "difficult and long" journey.

Sisi has other concerns besides the country's security issues - a major economic crisis and a general election next month that needs to be legitimate and peaceful.

Since Sisi's own legitimacy as a military ruler is based on security, he needs to establish peace in the Sinai region.

The president's speech indicated that the regime intended to press ahead with the same approach, there have been few results to show for the military's heavy handed tactics in the Sinai.

A series of home demolitions, killings, and arbitrary arrests in the governorate has led to anger among Sinai's 1.4 million people, and has undoubtedly pushed some into the hands of rebel groups.

Tough policies

A state of emergency and curfew exists in three cities – al-Arash, Sheikh Zuweid and Rafah and a buffer zone established on the border with Gaza has made many Sinai families homeless.

Continuing on this track might drive investors away from Egypt. This comes as Egypt is preparing for a "major international conference" in the Sinai seaside resort of Sharm el-Sheikh, which the government hopes will lead to billions of dollars of investment by allies such as Saudi Arabia and the UAE.

     Sisi's own legitimacy as a military ruler is based on security.


The violence and insecurity also threatens the parliamentary election process.

There has been a shift towards more violent and extreme groups in the Sinai. This was seen on Thursday when fighters linked to the Islamic State group launched a series of attacks.

To counter this, the regime might want to relax its grip on the people of Sinai by lifting curfews, which appear to have done little to stop the attacks. However, it is an option that the government is unlikely to choose.

Authorities might attempt to swing popular opinion in Egypt towards the army in its battle against the militants in the Sinai. For this to be achieved the state would have to establish a sense of solidarity among all Egyptians, and counter the threat of disillusioned and disenfranchised young people from being seduced by extremist ideology.

It would not be an easy task while inequality and unemployment remain high, and there are few platforms for critics of the government to voice their grievances.

The state of Egypt today might be due to a fixation with the political threat posed by the Muslim Brotherhood. Decision-makers seem unable to identify the real enemy and instead blame almost all violence on the moderate Islamists.

Unnamed military "sources" are usually quoted in the pro-regime media following insurgent attacks. The Brotherhood is usually linked to these acts of terrorism, along with foreign parties such as Hamas.

As long as the regime seems unwilling to identify the real culprits behind the attacks - that is groups far more extreme than the Brotherhood – then Egypt is likely to witness more bloodshed, and more military funerals.

This article is an edited translation from our Arabic edition. 

Opinions expressed in this article remain those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the opinions of al-Araby al-Jadeed, its editorial board or staff.