The dilemma of independent Egyptian journalists

New media outlets tend to raise a host of questions in the mind of any concerned reader: who owns it? What’s their angle on the news? Where and how will it focus its coverage?

In the Arab World, these questions are sub-categories of overarching ideological qualms that tend to reduce the impression on media outlets to products of political patronage.

The launch of the Huffington Post Arabic this past week provided a poignant case-in-point. Within 24 hours of the official launch, one of Egypt’s most prominent news outlets, Al-Youm Al-Sabe', published a story with a rather verbose headline:

"The [Muslim] Brotherhood launches an Arabic version of the American Huffington Post from London .. and call on Waddah Khanfar, the former director of 'al-Jazeera' to manage it… [Media expert]: the [Brotherhood] seeks to find an alternative to the satellite channels".

Ignoring the technical travesty of this headline for a moment, and the fact that it runs only slightly shorter than the article itself, it puts across three key phrases or labels that are to be superimposed on any constructive discussion over the new outlet: America, the Muslim Brotherhood, and al-Jazeera.

Pro-regime media propaganda has already succeeded in equating the Brotherhood with terrorism and al-Jazeera with terrorist propaganda. Adding "America" to the formula creates a subtext of international conspiracy with a Qatar-US-Turkish axis (it is headquartered in Istanbul) that is looking to expand an anti-Egyptian media bias.

In that context, the headline could be rephrased as such:

"Under American and Qatari patronage, the Muslim Brotherhood Recruit Former Propaganda Chief, Waddah Khanfar to run Huffington Post’s Arabic Offshoot".

The war on Arab Spring journalists

Perhaps, this method of reading into a headline screams of a mind pre-occupied with conspiracy theories. Yet, any Egyptian journalist who wishes to write for HuffPost Arabic will think twice after reading this headline.

Any professional affiliation with them will be tantamount to an affiliation with the Muslim Brotherhood. The same happened with Al-Araby Television station, which is branded in Egyptian media as a Brotherhood outlet, despite containing not one member of the organisation in its management team.

Pro-regime media propaganda has already succeeded in equating the Brotherhood with terrorism and al-Jazeera with terrorist propaganda.

It won't matter if HuffPost Arabic’s launch included contributions by Queen Rania of Jordan, Film maker Amr Salama and Islamic Preacher Amr Khaled, all decidedly anti-Brotherhood in their present day proclivities.

That is besides the point that the Arianna Huffington, owner of the Huffington Post, is known as both a media mogul and political commentator. If she had a political agenda attached to her media outlet, she would be more astute than to side with the Brotherhood at a time when they are not exactly in a strong position, to say the least.

As for the former head of al-Jazeera, and partner in this project, Waddah Khanfar (a partner of HuffPo Arabic through his company Integral Media), he is undeniably and inescapably attached to the Qatari government.

The television station he managed, al-Jazeera, does have a blatant stance against the current Egyptian regime, especially after the removal of ex-President Mohamed Morsi, and after Khanfar stepped down.

However, indicating that the outlet is launched by the Brotherhood is at best misleading.

Resisting the counter-revolution

The immediate labeling and overbearing polarisation in Arab media create an acute dilemma for an entire cohort of new journalists in the Arab World who found purpose in their profession especially with wave of revolts.

Being a journalist at that time meant that one could provide a public service, contribute and document a historic political upheaval, and make a living out of it.

Not since the last years of British influence in Egypt (between World War II and the Free Officer’s Revolt in 1952) had Egypt seen a period in time when journalism played such a crucial role in mass mobilisation and social awareness.

These were the golden years for journalism. Consequently, many gravitated towards it.

Over the past three years, this large public sphere which journalists occupied has been contained. Journalists who wish to write in "established" mainstream news outlets now have to take into consideration the editorial line vis-à-vis the state and the military.

Working in or contributing to a non-conformist outlet, be it pro-Muslim Brotherhood or not, puts a timeless stamp on an Egyptian journalist's career that presents him/her as being on the "wrong side of history".

Being a journalist at that time meant that one could provide a public service, contribute and document a historic political upheaval, and make a living out of it.

Sometimes this line is drawn very clearly early on. Young journalists have reported that they were explicitly told they were expected to praise the President and steer clear from criticising the Egyptian Army. This is not communicated with a low tone. It is framed as an undebatable national duty.

In other cases, they disqualify journalists with any prior affiliation with the Muslim Brotherhood, no matter how cursory.

Out-of-work journalists and television presenters in Egypt are refusing opportunities to work with television stations or newspapers overseas out of fear that the propagandish label attached to these organisations would follow them when they return to Egypt and lead to persecution.

In this context, HuffPost Arabic provides good opportunities. Yet, state-sponsored propaganda, like that of Al-Youm Al-Sabe', will create a hurdle against Egyptians taking these opportunities.

Any journalist wishing to figure out for himself/herself if they have a Brotherhood agenda, will not be given the freedom to figure that out. He/she has been told, under the pretence of national interest.

Of course, in the context of Egypt, there are a few fledgling media outlets, such as Mada Masr and (the more established) Al-Badil, that have eluded any delegitimisation attempt. 

But the narrow space for non-conformist media cannot accommodate the wealth of new journalists who still believe they can make a living while participating in the type of journalism they believe in.

Even if they don't believe in it anymore, the revolution has shaped their careers, and the counter-revolution is shaping their destinies.



Mohamed ElMeshad is a journalist and a PhD candidate at SOAS. His research interests focus on the political economy of the media. He extensively worked on Egypt, Bahrain, West Africa, the UK and US. Recently, he contributed to the Committee to Protect Journalists’ book, "Attacks on the Press" (2015).

Opinions expressed in this article remain those of the author and do not necessarily represent those of al-Araby al-Jadeed, its editorial board or staff.