Time is ticking for 75,000 refugees at Jordan border

Time is ticking for 75,000 refugees at Jordan border
Comment: As the UN Summit for Refugees and Migrants opens today, Mat Nashed calls on the international community to act urgently to help Syrian refugees trapped in the desert.
5 min read
19 Sep, 2016
Syrian refugees wait to enter Jordanian side of the Hadalat border crossing [Getty]

Seventy-five thousand civilians are stranded on a desert berm – an isolated strip of land – between the Syrian and Jordanian border. Makeshift grave sites are becoming increasingly common, and the number of shelters has swelled. Jordan has closed its border and prohibited aid from getting through, meaning civilians who barely escaped risk lose their life under the burning sun.

Jordan first sealed the border shut on June 21 after a suicide bomber detonated himself in the area, killing seven border guards. The Kingdom has since classified the area as a military zone, and said that anyone who crosses will be treated as a threat.  

Authorities fear that sleeper cells from the self-declared "Islamic State" group could be hiding among the thousands of civilians trapped at the border without aid.

The extremist group has vowed to take revenge on Jordan since they joined the global alliance to defeat them in Syria. 

Twenty of the wealthiest nations, meanwhile, have refused to resettle the bare minimum of refugees. These countries - some of which are involved in the war against IS - have relocated a total of less than 1.39 percent of Syrians uprooted from the war.

That figure includes Britain, which has taken in just 5,000 refugees, and the US who have resettled just a little more.

Neighboring countries such as Jordan - which hosts 700,000 Syrians - have cited the lack of solidarity as an excuse to tighten their borders. The result: Syria has become a prison and those trapped on the berm are being sentenced to death. 

Running out of time

Acquiescing to Jordan's security concerns, the UN is negotiating to create a buffer zone 2 KM into the berm - a safe distance away from the border - in order to provide lifesaving supplies.

Syria has become a prison and those trapped on the berm are being sentenced to death.

However, time is running out. Video footage and satellite images obtained by Amnesty International expose just how quickly the crisis is deteriorating. In Rukban, one of two border crossings between Syria and Jordan, satellite images show that there were only 363 makeshift shelters a year ago. There are now 8,295 by Amnesty's count.  

The growing population coupled with a severe lack of resources has resulted in the outbreak of Hepatitis, which has reportedly killed 10 refugees. Activists have also said that there have been nine childbirth related deaths so far.

The Jordanian government previously allowed refugees to enter the country after undergoing rigorous security checks. Rights groups are urging the government to return to this approach in order to ensure that refugees and host communities receive the protection they need. But unless the international community shoulders a heavier burden of the crisis, Jordan has little incentive to let more people in.

Humanitarianism equals security

The global community must reconsider how they view migration, by not letting their prejudices determine who is worthy of international protection.

Much of the global community, like Jordan, fears Syrians could be a security threat. So far such fears have proven unfounded, especially since terrorist attacks carried out on European soil have been committed by EU citizens - not refugees.  

The international community must realise that adopting a more humanitarian approach will instead improve security.

The Syrian war has produced the single largest refugee crisis since World War II

If there were legal routes that Syrians could access, it would allow authorities to screen people before they're resettled and to save refugees from boarding a rickety boat to Europe that may well sink at sea.  

Legal routes would also enable embassies to safeguard the most vulnerable refugees such as children and those in need of urgent medical care. Other groups such as youth and single men - who are typically framed as a threat to society - should not be neglected.

Rights groups have called for 10 percent of the 4.8 million Syrian refugees languishing in the region to be resettled. Adhering to this quota would only be fulfilling the bare minimum, but it might at least send a clear message of support to neighboring countries like Jordan.

Stop the bleeding

Those who leave refugees to die are equally as responsible for their fate as those who try to kill them. Jordan obviously bears direct blame for barring aid groups from crossing the border and from preventing refugees from seeking asylum, but the international community is not innocent either.

Nearly half of the prewar population in Syria - 27 million - have been uprooted from their homes. Common estimates put the death toll at 400,000 in the conflict. But the number is certainly higher when accounting for those who have drowned in the Mediterranean or simply "disappeared".

A more refugee friendly approach is certainly needed, but the international community must also find a way to end discriminate and indiscriminate attacks against civilians. While the world obsesses about IS, Bashar al-Assad's regime continues to lay siege to large swaths of land while systematically bombing civilian infrastructure in the country.  

The causes of forced migration have to be addressed as much as the consequences. But that, of course, is easier said than done.

Right now, 75,000 people are trapped on a desert berm and the world is standing by. Their predicament serves as a reminder that the Syrian war has produced the single largest refugee crisis since World War II. And like then, cries for asylum are being answered with resounding silence.


Mat Nashed is a Lebanon-based journalist covering displacement and exile. Follow him on Twitter:@matnashed

Opinions expressed in this article remain those of the author and do not necessarily represent those of The New Arab, its editorial board or staff.